STUDIES IN THE GENUINE AGNEYA-PURANA (alias VAHNI-PURANA)* By RAJENDRA CHANDRA HAZRA PART II I. THE PERIODS OF COMPOSITION OF THE DIFFERENT STRATA OF THE AGNEYA- PURANA WE HAVE seen in part I of the present article that the Agneya-purana, in its present form, has come down to us through three main stages, which are indicated respectively by the following three groups of chapters and verses: I. Chapters 1-3; Chapters 4-10 (except some verses); some stray verses in Chapters 11-20.--Retained from the earliest form of the present Agneya-p. II. Some verses of Chapters 4-10; Chapters 11-26.--Consisting mostly of extracts and verses dervied ffrom Pancaratra works.--Belonging to the Vaisnavite form of the present Agneya-p. III. Isolated verses or groups of verses occuring here and there.--Later additions. In the second of these stages the Agneya-p. was appropriated by the Vaisnavas (most probably the Bhagavatas), who utilised the Visnu-dharma in furnishing this work with chapters and verses on Vaisnava Kriya-yoga as well as with the interlocution betweenVasistha and king Ambarisa, of whom the former is said to have heard about Vaisnava Kriya-yoga from the Fire-god himself. This Vaisnavite form of the Agneya-p., which is most conspicuous and characteristic in the present state of the work and in which Agni is said to have spoken to Vasistha about Vaisnava Kriya-Yoga, was quite known to many of the commentators and Nibandha-writers early and late, viz., Anandatirtha Madhva, Vallalasena, Halayudha (the author of the Brahmana-sarvasva), Devanabhatta, Hemadri, Candesvara Thakkura, Madhavacarya, Ganapati, Narasimha Vajapeyin, Srinatha Acarya-cudamani, Raghunandana, and many others, who qoute a large number of verses and extracts from many of the chapters of the Agneya-p. under one or more of the names 'Agneya', 'Agneya p.', 'Agni-p.'. So, the Vaisnava recast of the Agneya-p. must have been made earlier than 900 A.D. In its attempt to be recognised as the genuine Mahapurana declared by the fire-god the present Agni-p. imitates generally, with modification and innovations, the genuine Agneya-p. in its Vaisnavite form. Thus, it describes the Agneya purana (i.e., itsown self) as a work spoken out by Agni to Vasistha, making no mention of the Isana-kalpa with which the Matsya and the Skanda-p. connect the Agneya-p.; it invariably calls itself Agneya-p., and, like the Agneya-p. in its present form, deals with the different kinds of vows and gifts, the praise of Gaya and the Ganga, and the different incarnations of Visnu, and incorporates the story of the Ramayana; and it plagiarises extracts and verses from the Agneya-p. after eliminating the names of Vasistha and Ambarisa as interlocutors. On the other hand, being prompted by its Vaisnava zeal it extols Visnu to be the highest deity, identifies him (and none else) with Brahma and the Para and Apara Vidyas, takes Agni, as also Kalagni and Kalagnirudra, to be a form of Visnu (and not of Rudra, as in the Agneya-p.), and traces the origin of the Agni-p. from Visnu, from whom Agni is said to have heard it in times of yore. It thus clearly testifies to the great prominenece attained by Agni in the Agneya-p. as being identical with Rudra. It is, therefore, sure that the Agneya-p. in its present form (which identifies Agni with Rudra in its opening chapter but lacks mention of the Isana-kalpa)must have become very widely popular even before the origin of the presentAgni. If, as scholars hold, the latter work was written some dime during the ninth century A.D., then the Agneya-p. must have gone through the second stage not later than 700 A.D. It has already been said that the Matsya (53. 28-30) and the Skanda-p. (VII. i.2.47-48) describe the Agneya-p. as a work spoken out by Agni to Vasistha in connection with the affairs of the Isana-kalpa. The mention of Agni and Vasistha as the principal interlocutors in the Agneya-p. shows that the Matsya and the Skanda-p. speak definitely of the Vaisnavite form of the Agneya, which must have been very popular at the times when the said chapters of the Matsya and the Skanda-p. were composed. Now, Chapter 53 of the Matsya-p., which has clearly been used in Skanda-p. VII.i.2 and drawn upon by Laksmidhara, Apararka, Vallalasena and others, is to be dated between 550 and 650 A.D. So, the Agneya-p. must have been recast by the Vaisnava not later than 500 A.D. Thus we get the lower limit of the date of the Vaisnava recast of the present Agneya-p. The way in which the language and contents of the Visnu-dharma, as well as the colophon of Chapter 2 and the speaker Vasistha in Chapters 2-42 of the same work, have been utilised in the Agneya-p., shows definitely that at the time when the Agneya-p. was recast by the Vaisnavas, the Visu-dharma attained sufficient recognition in society. Now, the Visnu-dharma names the Naksatras in the old order from Krttika to Bharani; it has been mentioned in Bhavisya-p. I.4. 87b-89, I. 216. 36-37 and II.7. 8b-11 together with 'the eighteen puranas', the Ramayana (called 'Rama,s biography') the Siva-dharma, the Mahabharata (said to be the fifth Veda composed by Krsna Dvaipayana), and the Saura-dhara (spoken out by Manava,i.e., the son of Manu); and some of its chapters and verses have been incorporated in the Agneya-p. and the Bhavisyottara. The Visnu-dharmottara also, which claims to be a part of the Visnu-dharma and was written between 400 and 500 A.D., has derived some chapters from the Visnu-dharma. So, theVisnu-dharma cannot be dated later than 400 A.D. Its mention of the Smrti works of Manu and others, its incorporation of verses of the Mahabharata, the Bhagavad-gita and the Manu-smrti, its frequent denouncement of the pasandas, especially the Buddhists, its high praise of the Bhagavatas, and its narration of the interesting story of Mahamoha, which must have preceded that giving out the Buddha to be an incarnation of Visnu, show that the Visnu-dharma is to be dated not earlier tham 200 A.D. It is highly probable that this work was written some time during the third century A.D. So, the Agneya-p., which utilises the Visnu-dharma and thus testifies to the reputation enjoyed by the latter, could not have been written earlier than 300 A.D. Thus, the date of the Vaisnava recast of the present Agneya-p. is to be placed between 300 and 500 A.D. The mention of Rasis (zodiacal signs) and 'Hora' in Chapter 13, the enumeration of Naksatras in the new order from Asvini in Chap. 16, the use of the word 'Pradurbhava' (manifestation) instead of 'avatara' (incarnation) in a large number of places, the mention of the 'ten incarnations' (dasavatara) of Visnu-Narayana in three places in Chapters 3, 23 and 28, and the non-inclusion of the Tantric 'Yantra' among the mediums of worship mentioned in Chapters 6,7,28 and 30, tend to indicate that the Agneya-p. was recast by the Vaisnavas in the fifth century A.D. It has already been said that the present Agneya-p. was recast by the Vaisnava in the second stage of its development. So, the Agneya-p. in its original form, in which it was concerned with the Fire cult of the Agnihotri Brahmins of the Yajurveda and said to have been spoken out by the Fire-god to Marici during the latter's twelve year sacrifice, must have been composed much earlier than 400 A.D. It is , however, not possible for us with the present state of our knowledge to determine the upper limit of the date of its compostion. The fact that in its original form the Agneya-p. praised Agni as identical with Rudra-Siva and was meant for popularising the Fire cult of the Yajurvedins, tends to indicate that this work was first writtennot later than the begnning of the Christian era. The verses and extracts added to the Agneya-p. during the third stage of its development do not appear to be many in number. These include the verses on the method of performing Nyasa in Chapter 6. Although 12 metrical lines preceding these verses on Nyasa and 14 others following them are mostly thesame as Narasimha-p. 62. 4-17, the lines on Nyasa of the Agneya-p. are remarkably wanting in the Narasimha-p., which also was written between 400 and 500 A.D. II. THE AGNEYA-PURANA AS KNOWN TO THE SMRTI-WRITERS It has already been said that the Agneya-p. has been drawn upon under the titles 'Agneya-p.' (or 'Agni-p.') and'Vahni-p.' in many of the commentaries and Nibandhas early and late and that most of these quoted verses are traceable in the extant text of the Agneya-p. But the number of the untraceable quotations, as enlited in Appendices I(B) and II (B), is also not at all negligible. These show how the text of the Agneya-p. has indergone losses in corse of time. The varied contents of these verses, as occurring in different sources, are generally the following: (i) Creation.---Classification of created beings into "daiva' and 'asura' (the 'daiva' creatures being those who are devoted to Visnu).--Hv.,p.497 (2 lines). (ii) Religious rites and duties.--(a) Bath (which is to precede all religious acts).--Bs., p. 81 (2 lines). (b) Method of sipping water (acamana).--Bs., p. 175 (4 lines). (c) Performance of Samdhya.--Praise of Gayatri--Bs., p. 70 (3 lines). Method of 'japa'--Bs., p. 79 (2 lines). Bad effects of non-performance of Samdhya--Bs., p.30 (4 lines) (d) Method and praise of 'Pitr-tarpana'--Cc. III. i, pp. 331 (2 lines). 701-702 (20 lines). (e) Glorification of Visnu.--Praise of uttering his name--Hv.,p. 331 (2 lines). Method and praise of Visnu-worship--Cc. III. ii,p. 665 (10 lines); Hv., p. 311 (6 lines). Preference to be given to Visnu-worship in all auapicious works--St., p. 198 (2lines). Selection of flowers, leaves, etc. for Visnu-worship--Np., p. 626 (3 lines);Vm., Puja-prakasa, pp. 49 (2 lines)and 53 (4 lines). Offer of gold, gems, clothes,etc. to Visnu--St. II,p. 627 (2 lines); Vm., Puja-pralasa,p. 37 (4 lines). Results of constructing or repairing Visnu-temples or of contemplating to do so--Hv., p. 655 (8 lines). Characteristics of a Salagrama stone --Hv., p. 128 (11 lines). (f) Performance of Sraddha.--Method and praise of performing Sraddha and of offering pinda to pitrs--Cc., III. i, p. 970 (2 lines0; Sv. (of Rudradhara), p. 9 (1 line); St. II, p. 238 (2 lines). Self-restraint to be practised by the performer of Sraddha--Cc., III. i.p. 1013 (2 lines). Dedication of bulls--St., II, p. 339 (5 lines)==St. II,p. 529; Ks., p. 407 (2 lines ). Results of offering pinda during the first year of death--Sk., p. 360 (2 lines)==Suddhi-k., pp.181 and 185. Offer of various articles (such as food, betel-leaves,camphor, village,cultivable land, house, garden, bed, various animals, etc.) to the Pitrs in a Sraddha--Cc. III. i, pp. 716 (10 lines) and 745-6 (11 lines). Gift of sesamum for the good of the deceased--Suddhi-k., p. 160 (2 lines). Sraddha, etc. of Pasandas, outcastes, persons killed by beasts or committing suicide, and so on--Sc., V, pp. 122(11 lines)and 123 (3 lines). Sraddha of, and offer of Pinda to, a chaste wife who has burnt herself in the same Pyre as that of her deceased husband--Sc., V,p.163 (2 lines). Results of honouring Brahmins in a Sraddha--Cc. III. i, p.686 (2 lines). (g) procedure and Praise of various Vratas (of which gift of different articles forms an important part0, viz., Purnima-vrata (on Sravana-Paurnamasi)--Cc. II. ii,p. 244 (2 lines); Laksmi-vrata (on Caitra-Pancam)--Kr.p.118 (4 lines); Rudravratas (in Vaisakha and Jyaistha)--Kr.,pp. 151 (4 lines) and 186 (3 lines);Kantivrata (in Vaisakha)--Krp. 151 (3 lines); Priti-vrata, Gauri-vrata, Saura-Vrata and Visnu-vrata--Kr., pp. 218-9 (13 lines); Siva-vratas of two kinds--Kr., pp.219-220 (8 lines); Siva-vrata (to be oberved for one year beginning from Phalguna-krsna-caturdasi)--Kr., pp. 521-522 (12 lines); Candra-vrata (in Karttika)--Kr., p. 402 (3 lines); Varuna-vrata (on Karttika-krsna-caturdasi)--Kr., p. 409 (3 lines). Ekadasi-vrata (praise of observing fast, and denouncement of taking food, on the Ekadasi Tithi)--Cc. II, p. 996 (1 line)==Cc. III. ii.p. 160; Sc. IV,p.59 (2 lines)==Cc. III ii, pp. 155 and 172==St. ii, pp. 36 and 37==Hv., p. 384==Pc.,p. 1861 Cc. III.ii.p. 152 (2 lines)==Hv., p. 391; Cc. II. i,p. 993 (1 line)==Cc. III. ii, p. 159; Ks., pp. 126 and 148-9. Rohini-pratipad--Ks., 602 (10 lines, of which one mentions the Vrscika Rasi). Vijaya-dvadasi-vrata (spoken out by Maitreya to a king, and mentioning the Simha Rasi and the eight incarnations of Visnu from Matsya to Balarama)--Cc. II. i, pp. 1136-38 (45 lines). Jayanti-vrata (treated of in a much larger number of verses than that used in the extant text of Agneya-p., Chap. 65)--Kn., p. 209 (2 lines); Cc. II. i,pp. 811-2==Cc. III. ii, p. 130 (8 lines, of which some have also been quoted in Kn., pp. 210 and 201, Pc., pp. 111-2,118,119 and 124,and Vp., ii, p. 558); Cc. III. ii, p. 132 (2 lines)==Hv., p. 493==Vp. ii,p. 560; Pc., pp. 112-3 (29 lines); Pc., pp. 119-120 (4 lines). (These untraceable verses on the Jayanti-vrata deal with the following topics:-- Definition of Jayanti; praise of fasting and of worshipping Vasudeva on the Tithi called Jayanti; sins arising out of non-observance of the Vrata and of taking food on the Jayanti Tithi; and so on). Food materials which are beneficial in Vratas.--Cc. I, p. 8 (4 lines), and Ii. i p.332 (7 lines). Effects of using ill-got money in religious rites, donations,etc,--Cc. I, p. 5 (2 lines). (h) Gifts and donations.--Wealth, earned, is meant for making gifts--Cc. I, pp. 6-7 (4 lines)==Pbh. I, p. 178. Proper time and place for making gifts--Ds., fol. 115a-b (twelve lines). Methods and praise of making various kinds of gifts, viz., Brahmanda-dana--Cc, i, pp.240-241 (16 lines); Go-dana-Ds., fols. 88a (3 lines)and 88b (2 lines); Vp. ii,pp.233-4 (15 lines); Kanaka-dana--Vp. iii,pp.152-4 (35 lines); Karaka-dana (with food and water on the Vaisakha-trtiya)--Ks., p.70. Mahisi-dana--Ds., fols. 152a-153a (40 lines); Vkt., p. 242; Pratisraya-dana--Cc. I, p. 673 (7 lines); Prasuyamana-dhenu-dana-Ds., fols. 82b-83a (6 lines); Suvarna-dana--Ds., fol. 114b-115a (10 lines); Tila-dhenu-dana--Cc. I, p.403 (2 lines); Vaso-dana--Ds.,fol. 112a (4 lines); Vrsabha-dana--Vp. iii, pp.253-4 (25 lines); Vrsa-dana--Dk., pp. 57-58 (14 lines). (iii) Rules about taking food.-- Use of Sakala Mantras in Homa and Bhuta-bali before eating --Vm., Ahnika-prakasa, pp. 411, 416 and 417 (2 lines). Prohibitions about taking food (placed on Arka-leaves hands clothes, vessels of iron or copper, and so on )--St,I,p.432 (2 lines). (iv) Ganga-mahatmya (consisting of praise of bath and death in the Ganges, of worshipping a Siva-linga on her bank after taking bath in her waters, and of repeating her name)--Tc., p. 263 (2 lines)==St. I, p. 495 ; Vkt., p. 238 (reference only); Gv., fol. 44b (4 lines, of which two have also been quoted in Gbh., fol. 45b); Gbh., fols. 5b-6a (4 lines) and 19a (2 lines); St. I, p. 495 (6 lines). (v) Miscellaneous.--(a) Yugma-tithi-vicara-Tv., fol. 3a (2 lines)==Vk., p. 320 ==Vp., ii, p. 578 ; I, p. 31 (2 lines ). (b) Definition of "murder" (½þxÉxÉ, which is said to be an action done personally or though some other person out of passion, hatred or mistake and resulting in none's loss of life)--St. I, p. 519 (2 lines). (c) Attainment of heaven by those who court death for the sake of their masters --St. II. p. 286 (3 lines). (d) Lament of a Brahmin whose son was killed by Dasaratha--Hv., p. 476 (4 lines). (e) Measurement of the Yoni and other Kundas--Np., pp. 149-150 (4 lines). (f) Preparation of the Japya-sutra with or without "meru"--Np.,p. 183 (1 line). (g) Praise of conduct (vrtta) as more important than lineage (kula)--Cc. III. i, pp.443-444 (2 lines). Besides the untraceable verses noted above there are a few others, which have been mentioned in Appendices I (A) and II (A). It will be noticed that among these untraceable verses there are some which have been quoted exclusively in the Smrti works ofparticular parts of India. So, it will be wrong to presume that the text of the Agneya-p., like those of other Puranic works, differed more or less in different localities. III. THE RAMA LEGEND IN THE AGNEYA_PURANA This legend constitutes almost the half of the present extensive text of the Agneya-p., which, in its India Office Ms. No. 1001, consists of 354 folios having 12-13 lines on a page. So, it is fairly elaborated and occupies a very important place amongthe subject matters dealt with in this work. As the Rama legend was already given elaborately in Valmiki's Ramayana, its repetition in another work may appear to some of us to be wholly unnecessary. Hence the question naturally arises as to why this highly popular legend was introduced into the Agneya-p. in spite of the fact that people had an easy access to the text of Valmiki's Ramayana which was widely read in all parts of the country. As an answer we may refer to some verses of the Agneya-p. in which Valmiki's Ramayana has not only been named as a highly sacred work and given out to be a source of 'dharma' but also prescribed for regular study in temples and other places for the acquistion of religious merits. As a matter of fact, the Ramayanacame to be utilised from early times for popular instruction and the maintenance of social and religious discipline among the Hindus, and this use of the epic continued in and outside India to very late periods, as is evidenced by an inscription of Cambodia, by the Brhad-dharma-p., Of these three sources, the first records that one Soma-sarman presented copies of "the Ramayana, the purana, and the complete Mahabharata" to a temple in Cambodia, thus showing that about 600 A.D. the Ramayana had alreadyattained fame in that far-off country as a sacred book of Hinduism . The Brhad-dharma-p., which was written in Bengali, most probably in its south-western part, some time during the latter half of the thirteenth century A.D., takes Valmiki's Ramayana to be a valuable code of Varnasrama-dharma and tries to popularise its study, saying: "The great epic Ramayana was written by Valmiki himself. There, on the pretext of (narrating) Rama's history, all the (religious and social) duties (of people) have been recorded in their entirety in accordance with the division of castes and orders of life (sarve dharmah samuddista varnasrama-vibhagasah.--Verse 1). "The duties of women, the duties of kings, the excellent duties of Brahmins, the duties of Vaisyas, the duties of Sudras, and likewise, the duties of house-holders (Verse 2). "the conduct of various deities, and also the matters concerning foes and friends --all these duties have been determined by way of (describing Rama's ) history (Verse 3). "This (work) is to be read, understood and remembered by one who wants to have happiness and peace (Verse 4). * * * * * * * * * "One's house, which lacks (a copy of ) the auspicious epic Ramayana, is (no better than) a burning ground and is shunned by the gods and patriarchs (Verse 6). * * * * * * * * * "The goddess (Durga), who is the giver of final emancipation and of all desired results and who is adored by Brahma, Visnu and others, is undoubtedly pleased with one who reads, during the days of the great autumnal worship (of Devi) in Asvina, the excellent history of Rama written by Valmiki (Verse 24-25). * * * * * * * * *" Krttivasa, who began to write his Bengali Ramayana in Saka 1340 (A.D. 1418), also tells us that being ordered by his royal patron he composed the work for popular instrution. Now, from our analysis of the present Agneya-p. we have seen that this work came to incorporate the Rama legend not at the time of its first composition but during the fifth century A.D. We also know from the evidence of history that after the death ofAsoka Maurya Hinduism began to re-assert itself against Buddhism, Jainism and other heretical and anti-Bramanical faiths firmly rooted in the country and that the Gupta emperors who, though perfectly tolerant of both Buddhism and Jainism, were officially orthodox Hidus and gave themselves out to be Parama-Bhagavata. So, we may assume that from about the fourth century A.D. there was a much greater attempt to popularise the study of the Ramayana and the part played by this work in making the movement attain greater sucess with the progress of time was considerable. That this assumption is not without a basis, is shown by Kumaralata's Kalpanamanditika which mentions a public recitation of the Ramayana, by certain passages of the Agneya-p. to which we have referred above, by Chinese sources which tell us that the Ramayana was a well-known and popular work among the Indian Buddhists at the time of Vasubandhu, a Buddhist philosopher of the fourth century A,D., and more remarkably by a number of Jain works, in which the Rama legend has been given with curious modifications obviously meant for the effective propagation of the Jain faith. A few instances of this last-mentioned class of works may be given here. In the second half of the first century A.D. a Jain monk, Vimala Suri by nema, wrote his Prakrit epic Paumacariya (Padma-carita--Life of Padma alias Rama, son of Dasaratha) which he called a 'Purana' on two occasions, viz. in 1.32 and 118.111, and in which he branded Valmiki's Ramayana as a bundle of lies and retold the Rama legend with such corrective modifications as would create a perfectly Jaina atmosphere and the help the successful propagation of the Jaina religion and Philosophy. In this workanimal sacrifice has been denounced and said to have been introduced by a Raksasa (who was a Brahmin in his previous birth), the sacrificial rites have been explained spiritually and Padma, also called Rama on many occasions, has been said to have attained perfect knowledge and entered Nirvana. Taking Vimala Suri's work as a model Ravisena wrote in 678 A.D. his Padma-purana in Sanskrit, in which he followed the Pauma-cariya very often in respect of contents and occasionally in respect of language even. In this work also, slaughter of animalshas been denounced under all circumstances, Rama, son of Dasaratha, has been named as padma, and the Rama legend has been narrated with innovations, or rather distortions, to suit the religious interests of the Jains. Other Jaina works narrating the Rama legend in the Jaina fashion are the Uttara-Purana of Gunabhadra (9th century A D), Trisasti-sataka-purusa-caritra of Hemacandra (12th century A.D), Rama-caritra of Devavijaganin (16th century A.D.), Punya-candrodaya-purana of Krsnadasa, and so on. The underlying motive of all these works as well as of those mentioned above is to prove the greater antiquity of the Jain religion and its superiority to Brahmanism and Hinduism and also to induce people to accept Jainism and follow a Jaina mode of life. The narration of the Rama legend in the Jaina religious books mentioned above and the nature of the modifications made in it by the authors of these works show how immensely popular the Ramayana was in those days and what a great part it played in popularising among the common run of people the principles of Hindu social and religious life. As a matter of fact, with the growing unpopularity of the sacrificial religion of the Vedas as reflected in verses 42-46 of Bhagavad-gita, Chapter 2, the vedic ideas of life and society were kept alive and popularised chiefly by the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. From what has been said above it is evident that the Rama legend was included in the Agneya-p. at least for two definite purpose, viz., for enlightening the people with the Vedic ideas of life and conduct, and for checking the spread of Jainism, Buddhism and other anti-Vedic faiths by keeping the people alert against false propaganda and misrepresentation of facts. It was clearly with these ends in view that the authors of the Puranas incorporated summaries of Valmiki's Ramayana or parts of the Rama story in their respective works and did not hesitate even to use Valmiki's works if necessary. The common run of people, for whom these summaries and stories were chiefly intended, were concerned more with the subject-matters than with the language in which these were expressed. With their little learning they could seldom find out the parallelism in language between two or more works, and, consequently, they took as much interest in the Rama legend read out and explained to them from Valmiki's Ramayana as in that from a Purana or some other reputed work. Though the Rama legend, as given in the Agneya-p., cannot claim any striking originality in matters of incidents or language, it begins with a story which is rather new and is not found in Valmiki's Ramayana. This story, which occurs in Chapter 73, owes its narration to two previous statements made by Vasistha in Chapters 71 and 72 in connection with the genealogies of the royal dynasties of Ayodhya and Videha. According to one of these statements made by Vasistha in Chapters 71, Rama was aborn fromDasaratha for the accomplishment of the work of gods and was identical with Hari Narayana himself, although he descended on earth in four parts. The other statement of Vasistha, which occurs in verses 21 b-24a of Chapter 72, runs as follows. While Siradhvaja (Janaka) was sowing for the sake of a son, Sita was born to him as a daughter from the plough ; she, 'who was accustomed to lie on the broad chest of Visnu', was given by her father to Ramadeva, and when she was living with her husband in a forest, she was forcibly carried away by the villainous Ravana; after she had suffered great hardships, she was rescued by her husband, but she entered the earth through mental agony and a sense of self-respect. The above reference made by Vasistha to Narayana's future birth in the Ayodhya family as Rama and also to that of Laksmi, excited great curiosity in Ambarisa, who requested Vasistha, at the beginning of Chapter 73, to tell him why Narayana would be born as a human being and why he would he would be separated from his wife. Condequently, Vasistha narrated the following story to king Ambarisa: Once a war broke out between the gods and demons, and in it the latter had their dead warriors revived by Bhargava's wife by means of her life-restoring lore (Samjivani vidya). As the demons were thus becoming invincible, Visnu killed Bhargava's wifefor the good of all the worlds. Bhargava got enraged at Vinu and cursed him to be born as a human being and suffer, like himself, from the pangs of separation from his beloved wife. After this incident the Earth, being troubled by the activities of Kumbhakarna and other powerful Raksasas, approached Brahma for redress. She narrated the story of the origin of the demons Madhu and Kaitabha and their death at the hand of Visnu, reffered to Visnu's killing of Hiranyakasipu and Hiranyaksa for her sake, and spoke of her trouble from the Raksasas. Brahma took her to Visnu, who was then lying in his bed with Laksmi. As Laksmi did not receive the Earth with due honour, she was cursed by the latter to be separted from her husband. This Vasisthe said, was the cause of Laksmi's separation from her husband (Chapter 73). Next, being asked by Ambarisa to speak on the origin of those terrible Raksasas, Vasistha agreed to "reproduce the Ramayana completely from the beginning" and also what the Earth had said to visnu after her meeting with the latter. He then reported the Earth's statements that the demons Madhu and Kaitabha were reborn as Hiranyakasipu and Hiranyaksa, sons of Kasyapa, that the latter two demons were killed by Visnu in his Boar and Man-lion incarnations,and that two Raksasas, viz., Ravana and Kumbhakarna, were troubling her by teir existence. Following the Uttara-kanda (Chapters 2-11) of Valmiki's Ramayana he also narrated the following stories: birth of Visravas as Pulastya's son from a princess who came to Pulastya's hermitage to play with her friends and conceived immediately through Pulastya's curse ; Kubera Vaisravana's birth to Visravas, his severe austerities, and attainment from Brahma of the status of the lord of wealth (dhanadhipatva) and the fourth quarter-guardian (caturtha lokapala), hisfather's instructions, at Lanka which had been left vacant by the Raksasas out of fear from Visnu (Chapter 74); birth of Heti and Praheti; birth of Sukesi (grandson of Heti and son of Vidyutkesa), who was discarded by his mother on the Kailsas mountain immediately after his birth, picked up by parvati with motherly affection, and given by her an aerial city (vaihayasa pura) for residence ; birth of three sons to Sukesi,viz., Malyavat, Sumalin and Malin, who practised severse austerities, received a boon from Brahma to be invincible, ordered Tvastr to construct a beautiful city for thier residence, and occupied, at Tvastr's advice, the city of Lanka which had been built by him on the Trikuta mountain for Indra; birth of sons and daughters to Malyavat,Sumalin and Malin, of whom the second had four dauhters including Kaikasi; beginning of a war between the gods and Raksasas for possession of Lanka (Chapter 75); detailed description of the war, in which Kumbhakarna, Meghanada and others took active part; final victory of Ravana, who then continued to reside at Lanka with all his relations and followers (Chapters 76-77). Here ends Vasistha's preiude to the Rama story, which begins from Chapter 78. In this chapter Vasistha does not give any detailed description of the birth of Rama and others but simply says, in verses 1-8, that for killing Ravana, the enemy of the gods and Brahmins, Narayana (also called Hrsikesa) was born as the son of Dasaratha. Vasistha then passes on to the incident of Visvamitra's arrival at Ayodhya for taking Rama and Laksmana for the protection of his sacrificial rites and goes on describing Dasaratha's conversation with Visvamitra who givesout Rama and Laksmana to be the incarnations of Naryana and Sesa respectively, Rama and Laksmana's start with the sage, the latters imparting the spells, named Bala and Atibala, to the two brothers, Rama's killing of Tadaka,a Raksasi stationed there by Ravana, Rama and Laksmana's arrival at Siddhasrama and giving protection to the sacrificial rites of Visvamitra and other sages (Chapter 78), Rama's freeing Ahalya of Gautama's curse which turned her intostone (Chapter 79), Visvamitra's taking Rama and Laksmana to Mithila, where Rama broke the Mahesvara bow which had been kept with Janaka by Bhargava, and so on. Vasistha finishes his Rama story with Sita's fire-ordeal at Lanka, Rama's return from there in an aerial car, his corronation at Ayodhya, and his Peacful reign there. A careful comparison of the Rama legend in the Agenya-p. with that in Valmiki's Ramayana will show that so far as the main incidents of the legend are concerned there is practically no difference between the two works. There are, of course, occasionaldifferences in matters of details. For instance, in Agneya-p., Chapter 74, Pulastya is said to have practised austerities on the Himadri (and not on a side of the mountain Meru, as said in Ramayana vii. 2.7), and Visravas (son of Pulastya and father ofKubera Vaisravana) is named as Visvavasu also; in Chapter 75 Vidyutkesa's son (and Heti's grandson) is named as Sukesi (and not Sukesa as in Ramayana vii. 4-5), Sukesi's mother is said to have discarded him, immediately after his birth, on the Kailasa mountain (and not on the Mandara as said in Ramayana. vii. 4. 24), and the names of the sons and daughters of Malyavat, Sumalin and Malin differ in some cases from those given in Ramayana vii.5.34-43; in Chapter 112 Sita, in her talk with Ravana in disguise, gives out Rama's exile by his father (whereas according to Sita's statement. occurring in Ramayan iii.47.10b-11a, Rama's age was then 25 years and that of Sita 18 years) ; in Shapter 113 Ravana is said to have abducted Sita on the eighth lunar day ofthe dark half of the month of Magha (there being no mention in the Ramayana of any particular day for the incident) ; and so on. As regards language, the Agneya-p. cannot claim originality in all cases. Though there are many occasions on which this Purana has described certain incidents of Rama's life in its own language, there are numerous others on which it has taken verses from the Ramayana with slight modifications or with out any cahnge at all. In a number of cases it has summarised the contents of certain verses by retaining thier language as far as possible. As an instance, we may compare Agneya-p., Chapter 75 with Ramayana vii.5. A list of common or parallel verses from these two chapters are given below for comparison : Agneya-p. Ramayana. 75. 10a (malyavantam, etc.)==vii.5. 6a (v.l. 'balinam' for 'raksasam'). 75. 11a (tapas taptum,etc.)==vii.5.9b. 75. 11b (samtas tu,etc.)--cf. vii.5.10a (first half)and 10b (second half). 75. 13a (sukesi-putran, etc.)==vii.5.12b (v.l.'amantrya' for 'ahuya'). 75. 14b (ajeyah, etc)--cf. vii. 5. 14b. 75. 15a (evam bhavisyati, etc.)--cf. vii. 5.15. 75. 15b (evam labdha-varah, etc.)--cf. vii.5.16a. 75. 17a (asmakam tam,etc.)--cf. vii. 5. 20a. 75. 17b (devesvara-grha, etc.)--cf. vii.5.21a (mahesvara-grha). 75. 19a (daksinasyodadheh, etc.)==vii. 5. 22b. 75. 19b (sikhare tasya, etc.)==vii.5.23b (v.l.madhyame'mbudasannible). 75. 20a (patatribhis ca,etc.)--cf. vii.5. 24a. 75. 21a (vasantu tatra, etc.)--cf. vii.5. 25a. 75. 21b (amaravatim, etc.)==vii.5. 26b. 75. 22 (lamka-durgam, etc.)==vii.5.27 (arrangement of the padas differs). And so on. Thus, the Rama legend of the Agneya-p. has striking agreement with that of the Ramayana not only in contents but also in language, and this legend, being added to this Purana as early as the fifth century A.D., can be utilised for solving textual and other problems relating to the Ramayana. It should be mentioned in this connection that in Chapter 20 (which has many verses in common with Vayu-p., Chapter 70) the Agneya-p. gives a remarkably different tradition about the birth and appearance of Kubera,Ravana and others. According to this chapter Visravas had four wives,--Devavarnini (daughter of Bharadvaja), Puspotkata and Raka (both daughters of Malyavat), and Kaikasi (daughter of Malin), of whom the first gave birth to Vaisravana, the eldest son of Visravas. Vaisravana had an ugly appearance with three legs, an extremely huge body, a big head, a very broad chin, eight teeth, yellow beards, spike-like ears, and a tawny complexion. Consequently, his father named him Kubera, the word 'Ku' being used in the sense of decrying and 'bera'meaning `body'. Kaikasi, the fourth wife of Visravas, gave birth to Ravana, Kumbhakarna, Surpanakha and Vibhusana, of whom the first (viz., Ravana) had spike-like ears, ten heads, four legs, twenty hands, red hair, a huge body, a collyrium-dark complexion, and red throats. It may be mentioned here that these statements regarding Kubera, Ravana and others do not agree with what has been said about some of them in Agneya-p., Chapters 74-75 and Ramayana vii. 3-5. According to these two sources, Visravas had two wives Devavarnini and Kaikasi, of whom the second was a daughter of Sumalin (and not of Malin as said in Agneya-p. Chapter 20), and Kubera Vaisravana was not ugly. In Ramayana vii. 9.4 Kubera Vaisravana has been described as amara-samkasa (shining like a god)and pavakopama (resembling Fire). As regards the text of the Rama legend of the Agneya-p. it may be said that the two compkete manuscripts of this work, which we have been able to consult, are highly corrupt and defective and sometimes omit large extracts or even complete chapters. For instancem in Chapter 75 the first thirty verses name the descendants of Heti, narrate short stories about Vidyutkesa, Sukesi, and the three brothers Malyavat, Sumalin and Malin, and end with the mention that these three brothers began to reside happilyat Lanka with thier sons and daughters (who also have been named in a few verses immediately preceding verse 30), but from verse 31 we find a description of war between the gods and the Raksasas which extends up to the end of Chapter 77 and in which Kumbhakarna and Meghanada are found to take active parts. As this chapter ends with verse: "etat te kathitam rajan caritam ravanasya ca / janma caiva mahabaho devanam ca parajayam //", and as there is no mention in this chapter of the birth and exploits of Ravana, it is sure that a very large extract, or more probably one complete chapter or two have been lost between verses 30 and 31 of Chapter 75. As regards textual corruption, which is very frequent and often extends over small or large extravts, it is hardly necessary to cite any example. IV. MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS OF INTEREST IN THE AGNEYA-PURANA Though in Chapter 1 the Agneya-p. is said to have dealt with the five traditional topics of Puranas, its later recast by the Vaisnavas has totally changed its form and character and made it practically into a book of religious matters. Yet it contains a few chapters on genealogies of kings and has a number of myths and legends which have interests of their own. Of the various ancient royal families reigning in Northern India down to the time of the Mahabharata war it is only those of Ayodhya and Videha which have been treated of in the present Agneya-p. It is not that this Purana did not at any time deal with any other royal dynasty of renown. We shall see from the evidence of the Nandi p. noted in section V below that the Agneya p. (which the Nandi-p. names as `Vahni-p'.) once contained chapters not only on the Solar dynasty but also on the Lunar and other dynasties reigning in different parts of Northern India. Unfortunately the chapters containing accounts of these dynasties have been eliminated from this work by the Vaisnava redactors and can no longer be traced. The Agneya p., as we have it now, deals with the Ayodhya dynasty in Chapters 66-71 and with that of Videha in Chapter 72. Of these, Chapter 66 narrates the story of Samjna in connection with the birth of Vaivasvata Manu (Samjna's son by the sun-god Vivasvat), from whom all the ruling dynasties of Northern India are said to have proceeded ; Chapters 68-69 give the stories of Bhagiratha's birth and austerities and the origin of Ganga and her penance and descent on earth ; and Chapter 70 glorifies this holy river. So, it is only in three chapters (viz., 67, 71 and 72) and a small part of a fourth (viz. Chapter 68) that actual dynastic accounts have been given. That the Agneya accounts of these two dynastic have been retained from the earlier form of this work and are not later additions, is shown not only by the Nandi p. which includes the Solar dynasty among the subjests treated of in the `Vahni p.' but also by a comparison of these accounts with those contained in the Vayu, Brahmanda and other Puranas. As a matter of fact, these accounts have linguistic and other peculiarities of their own and do not agree much with those contained in the other Puranas, although in a few details they are found to approach the Brahma, Harivamsa, Padma (Srsti-khanda) and Matsya traditions much more than those of the other Puranas. We are also to note in this connection that it is Suta (and not Vasistha) who is found to speak to some sages in these chapters, in spite of the fact that king Ambarisa puts a question to Vasistha and wants to hear the answer from him. Further, we shall see later on that in the dynastic accounts of the Agneya p. there are legends which bear stamps of pre-Brahmanic origin and are, therefore, of great antiquity. It is, however, not to be supposed that these accounts enjoyed complete immunity from additions and alterations of later days. Here a question may be sked as to why those few chapters which deal with the dynasties of Ayodhya and Videha only have been retained in the Agneya-p. and not the others containing accounts of the Lunar and other dynasties. As an answer we may say thatthe Vaisnava redactors who wanted to add the Rama legend to the Agneya-p. for religous purpose, were interested only in these two dynasties, the rest being immaterial and unnecessary to them. That the narration of the Rama legend was one of the chief aims of the Vaisnava redactors of the Agneya-p. is shown definitely by thier repeated mention of Rama and the Ramayana in chapters preceding those on the Rama story. A long list of kings of the Ayodhya family from Vaivasvata Manu to Brhadbala, a contemporary of the Pandavas, has been given in Chapters 67, 68 (Partly) and 71, the texts of which, as presented by the two Mss. utilised by us, are highly incorrect and have very often the same mistakes and omissions. According to this list, Vaivasvata Manu had ten sons (and not nine, as said in most of the other Puranas), and these included Sivi and Visnu (or Jisnu according to Ms. No. 1425), who are not mentioned in any other Purana and in whose place the Vayu, Brahmanda and a few other Puranas name Dhrsta and Pramsu. Ida, one of the ten sons of Vaivasvata Manu, is said to have gone out on a hunting expendition in the Himalayas and become a female named Ida by entering the Caitrartha wood on the bank of the Ganges, where Siva was sporting with Parvati after turning himself into a boy (bala) and his attendants into young females at Parvati's request. Here Ida chanced to meet Budha, son of Soma, and had by him a son named Pururavas, who later established at Pratisthna. After the birth of Pururavas, Ida regained hismalehood and became known as Sudyumna. To Sudyumna were born three sons named Utkala, Gaya and Vinatasva, who ruled respectively over Utkala, Gaya and the eastern region. About Narisyanta, Nabhaga, Saryati, Nabharista and Karusa, all sons of Vaivasvata Manu, the Agneya-p. contains the following information. Narisyanta's sons were Sukas, from whom sprang the Sauka Ksatras ; and Nabhaga had a son named Ambarisa, from whom proceeded a clan of good Ksatras. Saryati had a son named Ananta and a daughter named Sukanya. According to a verse placed after that containing accounts of the descendants of Nabharista and Karusa, Saryati had another more powerful sons, but the latter killed a cow by chance and became a Sudra through a curse. Ananta's son Reva is said to have constructed the city of Kusasthali in Anarta. He had a hundred sons (?), of whom Raivata Kakudman, the best, became king of Kusasthali. During his reign Kusasthali and found it occupied by the Yadavas, who had rebuilt the city, furnished it with numerous gates, and given it a new name `Dvaravati'. Raivata then gave his daughter Revati in marriage to Balabhadra and retired to the peak of the Meru for practising austerities. His descendants, who were known as Saryatas, become Ksatriyas. Nabharista (also called Nabhagarista in one verse) had two sons, who became Brahmins ; and Karusa's descendants became known as Karusa Ksatriyas. Iksvaku, the eldest son of Vaivasvata Manu, reigned in Madhyadesa and had a hundred sons, of whom Vikuksi was the eldest. Onces Vikuksi ate a hare before the performance of a Sraddha ceremony. So, he became known as `Sasada' (Hareeater) and was discarded by his father and brothers. Later on at Vasistha's words Iksvaku placed Vikuksi on the throne of Ayodhya. Vikuksi had fifteen sons Sakuni and others, and also another named Kakutstha, who succeeded his father on the throne of Ayodhya. From this Vikuksi proceeded the famous Ayodhya dynasty (better known as the Solar dynasty) in which Rama Dasarathi was born. The long line of kings from Vikuksi to Brhadbala, which has been given in Chapters 67-68 and 71 of the Agneya-p. with occasional accounts of the individual kings, has considerable importance for the study of ancient Indian historical tradition, but, as has to consult, are highly corrupt and do not in a number of cases preserve the correct readings. Consequently, the genealogy of the kings of Ayodhya, as presented by these two Mss., does not agree in all cases with that reconstructed by F.E. Pargiter from a critical study of the different Puranas and given by him in his Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, pp. 145-149. The variations, so far as the dynastic list is concerned, are the following: (i) The eighth king from Vaivasvata Manu is named Indra (and not Ardra, as in Brahma-p.7.52-53, Visnu-p. iv.2. 13, Matsya-p.12.29, Kurma-p.i.20.12, Hari-vamsa i. 11. 21, etc., or Andhra, as in Vayu-p. 88.26 and Brahmanda-p. iii.63.27, or Candra, as in Bhagavata-p. ix.6.20). (i) The tenth king is named Rava in Ms. No.1001 and Kavya in Ms.No. 1425 and not Sravasta as in the other Puranas. (iii) Like the Vayu, Brahmanda, Brahma, Visnu, Bhagavata, Hari-vamsa etc. the Agneya-p. Omits the name of Pramoda, whom Pargiter names as the fourteenth king on the authority of the Matsya, Padma (Srsti-khanda), Kurma and Linga-p. (iv) The Agneya-p. names two kings, both named Krtasva, between Samhatasva (No. 17)and Prasenajit (No. 19). According to the Vayu, Brahmanda, Brahma and other Puranas Samhatasva had two sons variously named as Krsasva and Aksayasva (v.l. Akrsasva) in Vayu-p. 88.63, Krsasva and Akrtasva in Brahmanda-p. iii. 63.65, Akrsasva and Krsasva in Brahma-p. 7. 89 and Hari-vamsa i. 12. 3, Krsasva and Arunasva in Kurma-p. i.20.23, Akrtasva and Ranasva in Matsya-p. 12.34, and so on. In Visnu-p. iv.2.14 Samhatasva's son is named as Krsasva. (v) The Agneya-p. agree with the Brahma (7.96), Matsya (12.36)and Padma-p. (Srsti-khanda 8. 141) in making Tridhanvan (No. 29) the son of Sambhuta (No.24) and does not mention the four kings (Anaranya, Trasadasva, Haryasva II, and Vasumata or Vasumanas) said in Vayu-p. 88. 75-77, Brahmanda-p. iii. 63. 74-76, Kurma-p. i. 20. 28-30, Linga-p. i. 65. 43-45, Visnu-p. iv.3.13, etc. to have intervened between them. (The Visnu-p. names Trasadasva as Prsadasva.) (vi) The Agneya-p. wrongly names the son and successor of Harita (No. 35) as jahnu and says that this Jahnu drank up the river Jahnavi. According to Vayu-p. 88.119, Brahmanda-p. iii. 63. 117, Brahma-p. 8. 26, Visnu-p. (i.66.12) names him as Dhundhu, and the Bhagavata-p. (ix.8.1) as Campa. (vii) The Agneya-p. omits the name of Ruruka, son of Vijaya (No. 36) and makes Bhuka and Bahu the son and Grandson respectively of the latter (Vijaya). Ruruka is named as Bharuka in Bhagavata-p. ix.8.2, as Karuka in Kurma-p. i.21. 4-5, and as Rucaka in Linga-p. i. 66.13. The name Bhuka of the Agneya-p. is most probably a mistake for Vrka who is named as the grandson of Vijaya in all the Puranas. (Vayu-p. 88.121 Wrongly names Vrka as Dhrtaka). (viii) The Agneya-p. omits the name of Ayutayus, son of Sindhudvipa (No. 49), and mentions Rtuparna as Sindhduvipa's son and successor. (ix) The Agneya-p. names the son and successor of Mula (No.56)as Dasaratha (and not as Sataratha) and omits Aidavida Vrddhasarman (No.58). It should be mentioned here that in Visnu-p. iv.4.38 and Garuda-p. i. 142.34 Mulaka's son is named as Dasaratha. (x) Agneya-p. 71. 46b gives the name of Devanika's son as Ahedaka (and not as Ahinagu) and says that Ahedaka's son was Ruru and not Paripatra, whom the Agneya-p. makes Ahedaka's grandson. It should be mentioned here that the Visnu (iv.4.48) and the Garuda-p. (i. 142.40) also make Ruru the son and successor of Ahinagu (who has been named as Ahedaka in the Agneya-p.). According to the Vayu-p., Brahmanda-p., Bhagavata-p., etc. Paripatra was the son of Ahinagu. (xi) The Agneya-p. names the son and successor of Daka (No.77) as Chalana and this respect agrees with the Visnu (iv. 4. 48) and the Garuda-p. (i. 142.41) which also name Dala's son as Chala. Bhagavata-p. ix. 2.2. names Chala as Sthala but the Vayu (88.204) and the Brahmanda-p. (iii.63.204)name him as Bala (whom the Bhagavata-p. makes the son of Paripatra and father of Sthala). (xii) The Agneya-p. does not mention Uktha (No. 78), whom the Visnu and a few other Puranas make the father of Vajranabha(No.79). Uktha is named Aunka in the Vayu-p.(88.205) and Uluka in the Brahmanda (iii. 63.205). According to the Agneya-p. Vajranabha's father was Chalana. (xiv) The Agneya-p. does not mention Sighra (No.88), who is named as the son of Agnivarna and father of Maru in the Vayu (88.210), Brahmanda (iii. 63.210), Visnu (iv.4.48) and Bhagavata-p. (ix.12.5). (xv) The Agneya-p. names the last six kings of the Ayodhya dynasty as Maru, Prasukra, Subandhin (or Subandhu according to Ms. No. 1425), Amartha (? Amarsa), Visvabhava (Visvasaha according to Ms. No. 1425), and Brhadbala. Thus, it seems to follow the same tradition as that found in the Vayu (88. 210-212). Brahmanda (iii. 63. 210-213), Visnu (iv. 4.48) and Bhagavata-p. (ix. 12.5-8). According to these Puranas the descendants of Maru are the following: Vayu-p. Brahmanda-p. Visnu-p. Bhagavata-p. 1. Maru 1. Maru 1. Maru 1. Maru | | | | 2. Prasusruta 2. Prabhusruta 2. Prasusruta 2. Prasusruta | | | | 3. Susandhi 3. Susandhi 3. Sugandhi 3. Sandhi | | | | 4. Amarsa 4. Amarsa 4. Amarsa. 4. Amarsana (alias Sahasvat) (alias Sahasvat). | | | | 5. Visrutavat 5. Visrutavat 5. Mahasvat 5. Mahasvat | | | | 6. Brhadbala 6. Brhadbala 6. Visrutavat 6. Visvabahu | | 7.Brhadbala 7. Prasenajit | 8. Taksaka | 9. Brhadbala. The names of the descendants of Ahinagu (No.75), as given in the Matsya-p. (12. 53-55), Padma-p. (Srsti- khanda 8. 158-160), Kurma-p. (i.21. 60-61), and Linga-p. (i.66.40-42), are quite different from those given in the Agneya, Vayu and other Puranas mentioned above, except that the Kinga-p. gives the name of the last king of the dynasty as Brhadbala. The genealogy of the Videha dynasty, as given in Agneya-p., Chapter 72, is comparatively brief and poor in legends, but it has its own peculiar features which should not be overlooked, although, being recorded in a badly preserved text, the names of some of the kings differ from those given in the five Puranas viz., Vayu, Brahmanda, Visnu, Bhagavata and Garuda) which record the genealogy of the Videha dynasty. The chief points, in which the Agneya list of kings differs from those given by the five Purana mentioned above, are the following : (i) The Agneya-p. does not mention the following kings:-- (a) Udavasu and Nandivardhana, who are said in the other Puranas to have followed Mithi (No. 5 in Pargiter's dynastic list given in his Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, pp. 145-149). The text of the relevant verse of the Agneya-p. is corrupt in both the Mss. (b) Dhrtimat (No.26), who is said in Vayu-p. 89.9 and Brahmanda-p. iii. 64. 9 to have followed Mahavirya. (The Visnu, Bhagavata and Garuda-p. also omit the name of Dhrtimat.) (c) Maharoman (No. 59) and Svarnaroman (No.61), whose names occur in all the five Puranas mentioned above. (d) Susruta (No. 86), who has been mentioned in Vayu-p.89.21, Brahmanda-p. iii.64. 21, Visnu-p.iv. 5.13, and Garuda-p.i. 142.55. (ii) The Agneya-p. names Suci in place of Muni as the successor of Satadyumna (No.66). According to Visnu-p. iv.5.13, Bhagavata-p.ix.13. 21-22 and Garuda-p.i.142.50, Suci succeeded Satadyumana, there being no mention of Muni in these Puranas. (iii) The Agneya-p. names (a)all the twelve kings from Anjana (No.71) to Upagupta (No.82) who have been omitted in the Vayu and the Bramanda-p.' and also (b) one Svanamta, who is said to have come between Svamga (i.e., Svagata) and Vasuvarcas (i.e., Suvarcas) and whom the Garuda-p. names as Khanara in the Vangavasi press edition and as Svanara in Jivananda Vidyasagara's edition. (iv) In the Agneya-p. there are a few additional names which do not occur in any other Purana, viz. (a) Budha, who is said to have come between Devamidha and Vibudha; and (b) Samaratha and Srutamjaya, who are placed between Vasuvarcas (i.e., Suvarcas --No.84) and Sruta (No.85). (v) The Agneya-p. names Devarata (No.17) as Devaraja, Dhrstaketu (No.320 as Vrsaketana, Pratindhaka (No.41)as Prabandhaka, Kirtiratha (No.44) as Krtiratha, Kirtirata (No.56) as Krtirata (or Krttirata in Ms. No. 10001), Urjavaha (No.68)as Urja, Sakuni (No.70)as Kuti (or Kumti in Ms.NO.1001),Anjana (No.71) as Ramja, Rtujit (No.72)as Kakujit, Aristanemi No. 73) as Pistanemi, Anenas (No.78)as Aninasta (or Avinasta in Ms. No.1001), Minaratha (No.79) as Vamaratha, Satyaratha (No.80) as Satyarathi,Upaguru (No.81) as Guptaratha, Svagata (No.83)as Svamga, Suvarcas (No. 84) as Vasuvarcas, Rta (No.89) as Kratu, Vitahvya (No.91)as Diptivahana, Bahulasva (No. 93) as Bahu, and Krtaksana (No.94)as Krti. From the above examination of the genealogical lists, as contained in the Agneya-p., it is evident that this work has its own dynastic tradition which is fairly correct and does not doggedly follow those of the other Puranas. As regards language, it agrees very rarely with that of the latter. Like the Vayu, Brahmanda, etc. the Agneya-p. contains a number of legends about the most notable kings of the two dynasties. These are the following: (a) Ida's attainment of womanhood by entering the Caitraratha forest on the Himalayas, were Siva was sporting with Parvati after turning himself into a boy and his attendants into young females. (b) Raivata's loss of kingdom primarily as a result of an attack on his capital by the Raksasas, his giving Revati in marriage with Balabhadra, and his retirement to a peak of the Meru for practice of austerities. (c) Kuvalasva being known as Dhundhumara by killing the demon Dhundhu at the order of his father who was approached for the purpose by the sage Uttanka. (d) Birth of Mandhatr and his naming by Indra. (e) Satyavrata-Trisanku's residence with the Svapacas (Candalas) after being discarded by his father Trayyaruna for abducting the wife of a citizen through youthful rashness. In this story, which has been narrated very breifly in the Agneya-p., it is said that though Vasistha saw all that the father and the son were doing, he prevented neither of them. It is also stated that when Satyavrata was living with the Svapacas, his father retired to the forest, and that there was complete drought in his kingdom for twelve years. (f) Sagara's birth and exploits. According to this story sagara was born with poison in the hermitage of Aurva, a Bhargava, after the death of his father and was educated there by the sage. As he grew up, he learnt the death of his mother about the defeat his father had sustained from the Haihayas and the Talajanghas. With firm determination he attacked the enemies, defeated them, and began to exterminate them with thier allies, viz., the Sakas, Kambojas, yavanas, pahlavas and paradas. Finding no other way of excaping death these allies of the Haihayas sought Vasistha's shelter. The latter assured them safety and prevented Sagara on condition that they would submit to him. At Vasistha's request, Sagara spared thier life but compelled them to change thier religion and dress. Hemade the Sakas, yavanas and Kambojas shave half the head, and the Paradas and Pahlavas keep thier hair loose and have beards. He also deprived these people of thier right to Vedic study and performance of Sraddha and compelled them as well as the otherKsatriya tribes, viz., Kolisparasas, Mahisakas, Darvas, Sailas, khasas and others, to give up thier Ksatriyan duties. Thus consolidating himself Sagara performed a horse-sacrifice. It is to be noted that this story records a very ancient tradition, according to which the Sakas, Kambojas and others (mentioned above) were Ksatruyas, and not Mlecches, and were entitled to study the Vedas and perform Sraddha ceremonies. (For detailed discussion on this point see Pargiter in JRAS, 1919,pp.358 ff.) (g) Bhagiratha's bringing down the Ganges. (h) Saudasa Mitrasaha's activities after attaining the state of a Raksasa, and his having his feet spotted by the water with which he was going to curse Vasistha. In this story a confusion has been made between Saudasa Mitrasaha of Ayodhya (who incurred the rage of his priest, Vasistha)and Sudasa of North Pancala (who had enmity with Sakti and was later than Saudasa by at least fourteen generations). Its main incidents are the following : (i) Saudasa killed a Raksasa, whose mate spread his influence over the king under the instigation of Kausika. (ii) He was cursed by Sakti. whom he had struck with a whip for not leaving the path for him. (iii) He was then cursed by Vasistha to become a Raksasa for serving the latter with a dish containing human flesh, which was procured and supplied by his cook without his lnowledge. (iv) After attaining the state of a Raksasa he ate up the birth of a son of Vasistha including Sakti. (v) In grief Vasistha tried repeatedly to put an end to his own life, but he gave up his resolve at the possibllity of the birth of a son to his widowed daughter-in -law, who had drawn his attention to the sound of Vedic chant proceedingfrom her womb. (vi) Saudasa ate up a Brahmin, whose amorous wife cursed the king to perish during sexual enjoyment. (vii) In the twelfth year, after which Vasistha's curse was to end according to his own blessings, Saudasa chased Vasistha's daughter-in-law with the intention of eating her up. The latter raised a hue and cry, and at her sight Vasistha gave out a roar, which drove the Raksasa out of the king. (viii) Vasistha remined the king of the curse given by the Brahmin's wife and, at his request, begot a son on his wife Madayanti. (i) Nimi and Vasistha's mutual curse, which resulted in Nimi's becoming Videha (incorporeal) and Vasistha's birth as the son of Mitra and Varuna. Besides the stories mentioned above, there are short notices of incidents in the lives of some of the other kings such as Vikuksi Sasada (who ate a hare before the performance of a Sraddha ceremany), Asamanjas (who raped a girl), Khatvanga (who attained great fame as a pious and successful ruler), and Siradhvaja (to whom Sita was born from the furrow). In verse 70 of Chap.3 there is a reference to king Hariscandra's becoming the servant of a Candala. As to the genealogies of sages (rsi-vamsa) the Agneya-p. says almost nothing. The only information this Purana gives us on this topic relates to the descendants of Atri and Vasistha and occurs in Chapter 20, which has the majority of its verses in common with Vayu-p., Chapter 70 and Brahmanda-p.iii.8. The last twelve verse of this chapter of the Agneya-p. agree remarkably, but not completely, in language and contents with Vayu-p.70. 79-91, Brahmanda-p. iii.8. 86-102 and Linga-p.i. 63. 78-95 and givean account of the Vasistha family which, in spite of its confusion as regards the different persons of the same names, deserve notice here. It is remarkable that of the remaining Puranas it is only the Kurma which names the descendants of Vasistha fromSaktri to the grandsons of Krsna Dvaipayana (Vyasa), but its account lacks many of the important details found in the Vayu and other Puranas mentioned above. The Matsya-p., though containing in Chapters 200-201 along list of names of the Rsis and Pravaras of the `Vasistha" to Krsna Dvaipayana. So, the Agneya account has its importance, being one of the four sources which record ancient traditions about the Vasistha family. According to this account Vasistha's wife was Arundhati, who gave birth to Saktri and a hundred more sons. To Saktri's wife Adrsyanti was born a son named Parasara, who, in his turn, begot Krsna Dvaipayana on Kali. Krsna Dvaipayana had by Arani (his wife) a qualified son named Suka, who, again, had by his wife Pibari five sonsnamed Kirtimati, Prabhu, Sambhu, Krsna and Gaura, and also a daughter named Kirtimati, who was an adept in Yoga practices and become the wife of Anuha and the mother of Brahmadatta. Here the Agneya-p. makes a confusion between Suka, the son of Krsna Dvaipayana, and suka, the grandfather of Brahmadatta and father of Krtvi or Kirti, who was earlier thanthe other Suka by at least six generations. The agneya-p. further says that Parasara's descendants formed eight paksas or groups, viz., the Svetas, Krsnas, Gauras, Syamas, Dhumras (together with the Mulikas), Usnas, Badarikas and Nilas, and that `Vasistha' begot on Kapimjali Ghrtaci a son named Indrapramati, who became famous under the name of Kunin and had by the daughter of Prthu a son named Vasu, whose son Upamanyu became the progenitor of the Upamanyus. As to the other Vasisthas the Agneya-p. says that the Kundins sprang from Mitra and Varuna. it concludes its account of the Vasistha family by saying that all these and other descendants became well-known as Vasisthas and came from the same Rsi In course of our attempt to examine critically the genealogies of kings and sages as retained in the present form of the Agneya-p. and to point out thier peculiarities and interest, we have noted the important stories narrated about some particular kings and sages. But these stories are not all that the present Agneya-p. contains. There are many others, mostly mythical, which cannot be overlooked. Of these, some have been derived from the Mahabharata, Visnu-dharma, eic. but some are peculiar to theAgneya-p. or have peculiarities not found anywhere else. As examples of this latter class of stories we may mention the following :-- King Vena's hunting expedition and his addiction to women, wine, gambling, hunting, etc. ; a Brahmin's worship of Durga in a forest and the consequent birth to him of a son, who, after being carried away by a Mleccha king and married to his daughter, took to the Mleccha way of life but was rescued by Savitri (also called Gayatri) from his Mlecchahood ; and Daksa's performance os a horse-sacrifice on the bank of the Ganges, and Sati's self-immolation by throwing her body into water. V. THE "NANDI-PURANA" CLAIMING TO BE A PART OF THE "VAHNI-PURANA' This lengthy work, which has been published under the title `Nandi-purana', consists of two parts called by the editor as `Nandi-purana' and `Nandi-purana-mahatmay' respectively, although none of these two names occurs anywhere in the wlole work exceptin the final colophons of the two parts which appear to have been added by the editor himself. In the first part this work has been called in verses 49b-50a of Chapter 52 to be a `Veda-sammita Purana of the Nandimukha Vipras' and described in all the chapter-colophons as a treatise dealing with the origin of the Nandimukha Brahmins and belonging to the Vahni-p. The chapter colophons of the second part, on the other hand, say that this part glorifies the Nandabana(i.e. Nandimukha) Brahmins by way of giving accounts of them and belongs to the Brahma-khanda of the eightfour-thousands-versed Samhita of the Vahni-p. Whatever the title of this so-called `Nandi-p'. may have been, it is of immense importance to us for the information it gives about the contents of the `Vahni-p.' (i.e. Agneya-p.), of which it claims to be a part and from which it derives its interlocutors, viz., Agni (or Vahni, the Fire-god) and Vasistha, who, as we have already seen, appearin the same capacities in the present Vahni-p. (i.e.Agneya-p.) in its Visnuite form. At the very outset of this work Vasistha is found to request Vahni (the Fire-god) saying: "bhagavan deva devagra vibho dharmadi-karana/ tvat-prasadac chrutah sarve dharma varnasramocitah// kunda-mandapa-vedinam pramanam ca yatha-srutam/ diksam yajnadikanam ca vasti-sastra-nirupanam// avataran bhagavatas caturvimsati-sammitan/ mantra-diksa-vidhis capi samskaran asta-samyutan// catvarimsan-mitan surya-soma-vamsadi-varnanam/ etad anyac ca bhagavan chrutam vistarato maya// adhuna srotum icchami brahmandasya nirupanam// samksepat kathitam yac ca pura hy etat tu vistarat// srotum icchamy aham vahne bruhi pralaya-karanam// (Nandi-p., Chap. 1, verses 1--6a). From these words of Vasistha we learn that besides giving a brief account of the universe (most probably including terrestrial and celestial geography), the Vahni-p. (i.e. Agneya-p.) dealth elaborately (vistaratah) with the entire duties of the different castes and orders of life, and also with the construction of sacrificial pits, pandals and altars, consecration for and preliminaries to Vedic sacrifices, variousmatters relating to the building of houses, the twentyfour incarnations of the Bhagavat (i.e. Agni, who is considered to be identical with Rudra-Siva), the forty-eight Lunar and other royal dynasties, and so on (etad anyac ca). It should be mentioned here that in the Vahni-p. (i.e. Agneya-p.) in its present form there are no chapters or verses on most of these topics; and this elimination was undoubtedly made by the Vaisnavas not during thier first recast of this work but in a subsequent one to which they must have subjected this work in course of time. The above information supplied by the `Nandi-p.' about the contents of the Vahni-p.' lends very strong support to our statements made in Part I of the present article that the Agneya-p. (alias Vahni-p.) was, in its origin, concerned with the Fire cult of thye Agnihotri Brahmins of the Yajurveda and that it dealt with the five Purantic topics as well as with the various duties and sacrificial rites of these Brahmins. As has already been said, the `Nandi-p.' is meant for the glorification of the Nandimukha or Nandabana Brahmins living in Gujarat as well as in a part of Rajputana which lies round about Pudkara in the district of Ajmere-Merwar. It traces the origin of these Brahmins from the Nandimukha Pitrs and says that they gave up thier Brahmanical rites and conduct and became merchants. As to the religious faith of these Brahmins this work informs us that at first they belonged to the Brahmasect, but later on they changed thier faith, some turning Vaisnavas, some Saivas, and some Saktas. According to this work the Nandimukha Brahmins were divided into eleven groups according to the differences in thier Gotras, and one of these groups consisted of the Candratreyas. Though coming from a comparatively late date the `Nandi-p.' is a very interesting work containning much useful information about the Nandimukha or Nandabana Brahmins of Gujarat and the neighbouring districts. As a through examination of this work willrequire much space, we shall deal with it elaborately on another occasion.